Manual Gats ·2· (Catalan Edition)

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A dinner of paella and a bottle of wine will be approximately Costa Gallega , Passeig de Gracia, You sit outside under an umbrella on the main street, but it is not noisy or uncomfortable. This will cost approximately Peru , Pg. This is not open every night and there is a minimum of four tapas which must be ordered for dinner, but it is a great meal.

A typical meal here consists of a plate of assorted olives, grilled sardines, grilled peppers, and another local sausage, with a bottle of wine. Els Quatre Gats 4 cats , Montsio, 3 bis. This will be approximately This is an excellent restaurant in which to try tapas. Try a bottle of Catalonian wine idoia , calamacitos small grilled fish , chistorra sausage , padron small green peppers roughly the size of your thumb , escalivada grilled veggies , pan amb tomaquet tomato on bread, heated , orujo Pondal an after dinner liquor.

This is Located in the charming Gothic Quarter the store only uses all-natural ingredients in all of its offerings. The waffles are light and crispy and you can watch them being made. The topping of melted chocolate, followed by a light sprinkling of icing sugar is a treat in itself.

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You can have a sweet crepe but they also have lunch crepes as well, such as the Philadelphia with tuna, tomato, mozzarella and oregano. And finally, they offer 48 flavours of ice cream made with all-natural ingredients, and some of the most original flavours around - would you ever think Rosemary ice cream would be good? It is! The staff are super-friendly Michel the owner, a native Belgian, always has time to show you around. This formula, according to Christine Bierbach 12 "can get to secure and legitimise the dialectalisation processes, or rather the dialectalising ideologies They affect the entire linguistic territory as they exist in Catalonia, the Valencian Country and the Balearic Islands.

However, they are not always considered as dialectalisation processes or associated necessarily to the use of non- normative solutions. The name of the language The debate around the name of the language is one of the aspects between the legal-political and the sociolinguistic levels mentioned previously. According to the Constitution, the autonomous regions where the ones to determine their own language. This has been one of the pitfalls that has made an element of political exploitation of the Catalan language, above all in the Valencian Country.

The statute of autonomy of Valencia states in its first chapter, article 6 that: "1. The language of the Comunitat Valenciana is Valencian. Valencian is the official language This doesn't happen with the statute of the Balearic Islands, which does recognize Majorcan, Minorcan, Ibizan, etc. In the case of Valencian, the political manipulation of the language has been possible at certain times based on the official name of the language.

An example of this is the no recognition, for the examinations as civil servant for the Government of Valencia, of the accreditation certificate of Catalan —issued by the administrations of Catalonia or the Balearic Islands— or even the degree in Catalan Language Studies as proof of the level of proficiency in Valencian. Therefore, there are many public or private companies and even the State see section 1. Regarding the use of a common name from a social perspective, Sanchis Guarner 22 claimed that the reluctance of the Valencian people is to adopt for their language the name of Catalan, but not to accept the linguistic unity of Valencia, Catalonia and Majorca, which is evident and no Valencian person has ever denied it [apart from the secessionists during the last 40 years].

Sanchis Guarner One of the most recent proposals to overcome the issue of the name, argues that, actually, the existence of two names has always characterized the Catalan language. The creation of this last one in was very criticized and discussed in the academic field throughout the whole linguistic territory.

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The reason for this was the doubtful nature of the interests attributed to the political party PP and the President Eduardo Zaplana , both governing in the government of the Valencian Country at that time. Still, the government of Catalonia and the IEC gave a silent go-ahead and decided not to claim back the normative authority the Philological Section of the IEC had had until then.

There are questions that haven not yet achieved a consensus in the Catalan-Valencian philological community regarding the AVL. On the other hand, the AVL is based on the established normativization and, consequently, all secessionist spelling norms have been legally neglected. The AVL, and therefore, the government of the Valencian Country, although trying to converge with the rest of solutions adopted by the other Catalan-speaking territories, recommend "the genuine Valencian solutions", i.


As we have seen in section 1. The economic aspect Although this is one of the main aspects of the world we live in, there is a lack of ambitious numeric studies on the economy of the language. Still, it is important, from the theoretical point of view, the figure of Pau Rausell , a Valencian economist who has done a first approach to this subject. In his opinion, the economic factor has a certain relevance when a private company decides to offer its services in the mother tongue, i. The economic aspect, therefore, will be especially important when we refer to the private sector which doesn't have any legal obligation to do a multitranslation.

The decision they take will be part of their translation policy. The cultural-communicative cosystem Translated products into the mother tongue, as accessible products, form part necessarily of the market of the linguistic community. There shouldn't be, allegedly, any problem to access all products in our language in a free market as the one we have not just in Spain, but also throughout the whole linguistic territory. However, this does not happen, at least in the case of Catalonia and the Valencian Country.

It is difficult to have access to the Valencian production in Catalonia and, likewise, the Catalan production in Valencia. This means that there are specific factors of our linguistic community which, undoubtedly, play a key role in the cultural- communicative products that, indirectly, affect multitranslation. To study in depth this question we will review the Catalan Space of Communication Theory formulated by Josep Gifreu from Gerona , as it includes the publishing and the media sectors.

For Gifreu the Catalan space of communication is a non-partidist —it has to be of interest for all political parties and involve them— and non- regionalist —it covers the whole linguistic territory— general strategy of action to enhance and vertebrate the Catalan cultural space. The proposal of the Catalan space of communication takes specially into consideration two dimensions: an internal dimension, which aims at the intercommunication of all the historic territories of the Catalan language, and an external dimension, focused on the capacity of the Catalan cultural-linguistic community to achieve the external recognition as a differentiated space in equal conditions.

To analyse multitranslation, we will focus on the internal dimension. Gifreu analyses the present situation of the Catalan space of communication and emphasizes some strong points such as the amount of public broadcast radio and TV platforms that make think on the possibilities of production, influence and interchange between all areas of the linguistic territory, or the success achieved by some private business initiatives in the media sector, like the weekly El Temps, or the electronic newspaper Vilaweb.

This helps us to understand, to a large extent, why the phenomenon of multitranslation exists in the publishing and media sectors. The initial sales exceeded the expectations and the book won the most important British literary awards. A complete mass phenomenon, very soon it went outside the frontiers of UK.

The Catalan publication, therefore, was released more or less at the same time than the two romance languages with less speakers and less economically strong Portuguese and Romanian , although the situation of the linguistic normalization of these languages is very different to the situation of Catalan. Harry Potter's Catalan adventure started here. The surprise was that they sold 73, books in Catalonia but only 1, in the Valencian territory cf.

Pinter: Cabeza The Valencian version was released at the same time as the first film, in November Comparative analysis of the Catalan and Valencian versions We have read and compared the first chapter twenty pages of both versions simultaneously. To better see the differences between the translation and the adaptation we have divided this analysis in six blocks: lexical changes, morphosyntactic changes, morphological changes, improvement changes, possible changes that have not been made and other aspects.

For each block we show some contextualised examples and some more examples with no context. The page number for each version is shown next to each example. At the end of each block, we discuss the options taken in the adaptation, bearing in mind what Salvador Company said in the interview we had with him in July cf. Lexical changes There are two types: a change for a word better known and an optional change. Change for a word better known CAT " In this sense, Salvador Company said in the interview cf.

Cabeza 55 that he always maintained the same forms, but the proofreader and Rosa Serrano said that synonyms had to be used and, in his opinion, this was a teaching, pedagogic criteria, but not literary. This is a case of textual-linguistic norms see section 2. Optional lexical changes These lexical changes are not forced, i. CAT " Estan morts! Morphosyntactic changes There is a systematic change of order of tampoc no and mai no: CAT "Potter tampoc no era un cognom tan estrany CAT "Posats a pensar-hi, ni tan sols estava segur que Morphological changes These changes correspond to section 3.

They are systematic, so we will only show a few examples: CAT " Improvement changes These changes usually correct not very genuine expressions or mistakes made as a result of the influence of Spanish or English. Possible changes that were not made The examples shown here could have been theoretically adapted to a more normative Valencian form —included in brackets—, but it was decided not to do it. The literary and publishing sector, though, had a lot to say, and the reactions appeared very soon.

If the book were for children under ten, it wouldn't seem strange that there was a Valencian adaptation, as it is the normal practice in the sector. This was the first time there was an adaptation to Valencian standard of a book for young adults. There was harsh criticism from the Valencian literary and publishing sectors: Josep Gregori, editor of the publishing house Bromera, claimed that this practice involved "a certain risk of linguistic fragmentation", and the writer Toni Cucarella stated that this adaptation meant "the first step to the Galicianisation of the Catalan language in the Valencian Country" cf.

Serrano: , although she also admitted that the multitranslation created uncertainty in the publishing sector and that "many times the decisions taken as a company could be the wrong ones in the long term" cf. There were also comments to the linguistic aspects of the original translation.


Joan Frances Mira expresses, on the one hand, his discontent with the linguistic model of the Catalan version, and on the other hand, his wish that the education system would favour all Catalan-speaking young people to feel as their own the differences vocabulary and morphology that exist between the Catalan dialects; he approves of the linguistic model used in the Valencian version because of the lack of secessionist or dialectal will from Salvador Company. Regarding the sociolinguistic aspects, Puigtobella considers that "we shouldn't forget about the explicit reluctance many Valencian parents and teachers have -not even mentioning the authorities- when they see a book in Catalan published in Barcelona.

This group of authors dot the i's and cross the t's when they argue that this problem affects all the linguistic community and not just one part. And in face of the conclusions of the article it is also revealing Josep Gregori's Bromera's editor statement that "to get to the Valencian readers it was necessary an action more commercial than linguistic" cf. Conclusions Multitranslation is a phenomenon which forms part of the polysystem of translation and the cosystems underlying it. It is determined by the translation policy, the textual-linguistic norms and the ideology of the patronage figure.

In the case of Catalan, we have established a series of interlaced cosystems which affect simultaneously, but differently, the multitranslation phenomenon. The linguistic cosystem in itself, i. The economic benefit that private companies expect to obtain also affects multitranslation. Regarding the publishing and media sectors, the cultural-communicative cosystem has more weight in multitranslations. As the respective markets are divided by administrative frontiers, the difficulty to distribute translations in the mother tongue, irrespective of the standard used, increases.

With the Treaty of the Pyrenees , Spain ceded the northern part of Catalonia to France , and soon thereafter the local Catalan varieties came under the influence of French , which in became the sole official language of the region. Shortly after the French Revolution , the French First Republic prohibited official use of, and enacted discriminating policies against, the regional languages of France, such as Catalan, Alsatian , Breton , Occitan , Flemish , and Basque.

Following the French capture of Algeria , that region saw several waves of Catalan-speaking settlers. People from the Spanish Alacant province settled around Oran , whereas Algiers received immigration from Northern Catalonia and Menorca. Their speech was known as patuet.

By , the number of Catalan speakers was around , After the declaration of independence of Algeria in , almost all the Catalan speakers fled to Northern Catalonia as Pieds-Noirs or Alacant. Nowadays, France recognizes only French as an official language. The decline of Catalan continued in the 16th and 17th centuries.

The defeat of the pro-Habsburg coalition in the War of Spanish Succession initiated a series of laws which, among other centralizing measures, imposed the use of Spanish in legal documentation all over Spain. In the 19th century, the region of Carche , in the province of Murcia was repopulated with Catalan speakers from the Land of Valencia. Since the Spanish transition to democracy — , Catalan has been institutionalized as an official language, language of education, and language of mass media; all of which have contributed to its increased prestige.

In Andorra , Catalan has always been the sole official language. On the other hand, there are several language shift processes currently taking place. In the Northern Catalonia area of France, Catalan has followed the same trend as the other minority languages of France, with most of its native speakers being 60 or older as of Catalan bears varying degrees of similarity to the linguistic varieties subsumed under the cover term Occitan language see also differences between Occitan and Catalan and Gallo-Romance languages. Thus, as it should be expected from closely related languages, Catalan today shares many traits with other Romance languages.

Catalan shares many traits with the other neighboring Romance languages Italian , Sardinian , Occitan, and Spanish. During much of its history, and especially during the Francoist dictatorship — , the Catalan language was ridiculed as a mere dialect of Spanish. There is evidence that, at least from the 2nd century a. Catalan bullir , Occitan bolir "to boil" and innovatory regionalisms Sp novillo , Ast nuviellu vs.

Like all Romance languages, Catalan has a handful of native words which are rare or only found in Catalan. These include:. The Gothic superstrate produced different outcomes in Spanish and Catalan. For example, Catalan fang "mud" and rostir "to roast", of Germanic origin, contrast with Spanish lodo and asar , of Latin origin; whereas Catalan filosa "spinning wheel" and templa "temple", of Latin origin, contrast with Spanish rueca and sien , of Germanic origin. The same happens with Arabic loanwords.

Situated between two large linguistic blocks Iberian Romance and Gallo-Romance , Catalan has many unique lexical choices, such as enyorar "to miss somebody", apaivagar "to calm somebody down", and rebutjar "reject".

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Various interpretations of the term may include some or all of these regions. The number of people known to be fluent in Catalan varies depending on the sources used. A study did not count the total number of speakers, but estimated a total of 9—9.

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Catalan phonology varies by dialect. Notable features include: [54]. In contrast to other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words, and these may end in a wide variety of consonants, including some consonant clusters. Central Catalan pronunciation is considered to be standard for the language. The consonant system of Catalan is rather conservative, as is the case with most modern Western Romance languages.

Catalan sociolinguistics studies the situation of Catalan in the world and the different varieties that this language presents. It is a subdiscipline of Catalan philology and other affine studies and has as an objective to analyse the relation between the Catalan language, the speakers and the close reality including the one of other languages in contact. The dialects of the Catalan language feature a relative uniformity, especially when compared to other Romance languages; [38] both in terms of vocabulary , semantics , syntax , morphology , and phonology.

Catalan is split in two major dialectal blocks: Eastern Catalan, and Western Catalan. The terms "Catalan" and " Valencian " respectively used in Catalonia and the Valencian Community are two varieties of the same language. Central Catalan is considered the standard pronunciation of the language and has the highest number of speakers.

Catalan has an inflectional grammar. Nouns have two genders masculine, feminine , and two numbers singular, plural. Pronouns additionally can have a neuter gender, and some are also inflected for case and politeness , and can be combined in very complex ways. Verbs are split in several paradigms and are inflected for person , number , tense , aspect , mood , and gender. In terms of pronunciation, Catalan has many words ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters, in contrast with many other Romance languages. Eastern Catalan: In verbs, the inchoative endings are -eixo , -eix , -eixen , -eixi.

Despite its relative lexical unity, the two dialectal blocks of Catalan Eastern and Western show some differences in word choices. Also, usually Central Catalan acts as an innovative element.

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Standard Catalan, virtually accepted by all speakers, [26] is mostly based on Eastern Catalan, [55] [93] which is the most widely used dialect. Nevertheless, the standards of the Valencian Community and the Balearics admit alternative forms, mostly traditional ones, which are not current in eastern Catalonia. In this way, for instance, IEC says it is correct writing cantam as much as cantem 'we sing' but the University says that the priority form in the Balearic Islands must be cantam in all fields. Another feature of the Balearic standard is the non-ending in the 1st person singular present indicative: jo compr 'I buy' , jo tem 'I fear' , jo dorm 'I sleep'.

20th century

Valencian is classified as a Western dialect, along with the northwestern varieties spoken in Western Catalonia provinces of Lleida and the western half of Tarragona. Linguists, including Valencian scholars, deal with Catalan and Valencian as the same language. Ruling of the Valencian Language Academy of 9 February , extract of point 1. Despite the position of the official organizations, an opinion poll carried out between and [97] showed that the majority of the Valencian people consider Valencian different from Catalan.

This position is promoted by people who do not use Valencian regularly. This clash of opinions has sparked much controversy. For example, during the drafting of the European Constitution in , the Spanish government supplied the EU with translations of the text into Basque , Galician , Catalan, and Valencian, but the latter two were identical.

Literary Catalan allows the use of words from different dialects, except those of very restricted use. Like other languages, Catalan has a large list of loanwords from Greek and Latin. This process started very early, and one can find such examples in Ramon Llull 's work. Throughout the Middle Ages and into the early modern period, most literate Catalan speakers were also literate in Latin; and thus they easily adopted Latin words into their writing—and eventually speech—in Catalan.

The process of morphological derivation in Catalan follows the same principles as the other Romance languages , [] where agglutination is common. Prefixes are usually appended to verbs, as in pre veure "foresee". There is greater regularity in the process of word-compounding , where one can find compounded words formed much like those in English. Catalan uses the Latin script , with some added symbols and digraphs. The grammar of Catalan is similar to other Romance languages.

Features include: []. In gender inflection , the most notable feature is compared to Portuguese , Spanish or Italian , the loss of the typical masculine suffix -o. Catalan has few suppletive couplets, like Italian and Spanish, and unlike French. There is a tendency to abandon traditionally gender-invariable adjectives in favour of marked ones, something prevalent in Occitan and French.

As in the other Western Romance languages, the main plural expression is the suffix -s , which may create morphological alternations similar to the ones found in gender inflection, albeit more rarely. The inflection of determinatives is complex, specially because of the high number of elisions, but is similar to the neighboring languages. Central Catalan has abandoned almost completely unstressed possessives mon , etc. The morphology of Catalan personal pronouns is complex, specially in unstressed forms, which are numerous 13 distinct forms, compared to 11 in Spanish or 9 in Italian.

Catalan pronouns exhibit T—V distinction , like all other Romance languages and most European languages, but not Modern English.